Par Jeb Sprague
Haïti Liberté
[Ndlr.] Le texte qui suit est une traduction modifi ée de la version anglaise parue dans l’édition de la semaine dernière (Haiti Liberte V.4. No. 22. Michel Martelly, Stealth Duvalierist. P.9). Il est présenté sous un autre titre.
Dans la presse couvrant la crise électorale en cours en Haïti, le candidat à la présidence Michel « Sweet Micky » Martelly, que le candidat du Parti dirigeant Unité Jude Célestin a dépassé avec moins de 1% des votes avec qualifi cation pour le deuxième tour le 16 janvier, a été dépeint comme une victime de fraude électorale et comme le chef d’un soulèvement populiste contre le Conseil électoral provisoire (CEP) corrompu d'Haïti.
Certains ont mis en question son aptitude à devenir président en montrant du doigt ses bouffonneries vulgaires en tant que musicien konpa au cours des deux dernières décennies, lorsqu'il faisait des remarques avilissantes à l'endroit des femmes et périodiquement, baissait ses pantalons pour exhiber ses fesses.
Cependant, le vrai problème avec Martelly n’est pas sa morale lubrique, mais son histoire odieuse en politique et une étroite affi liation avec les «forces des ténèbres» réactionnaires, comme on les appelle en Haïti, qui ont étouffé chaque véritable tentative que les Haïtiens ont faite au cours des 20 dernières années, pour élire un gouvernement démocratique. Loin d’être un champion de la démocratie, Martelly a été une majorette au service de sanglants coups d’Etat et de régimes militaires auxquels il a peut-être même participé.
Thursday, December 30, 2010
Stealth Duvalierism
Haiti, Michel Martelly, and the Presidential Selection of 2010
Znet and Haiti Liberte
December 20, 2010
By Jeb Sprague
In the media coverage of Haiti's ongoing electoral crisis, presidential candidate Michel "Sweet Micky" Martelly, whom ruling Unity party candidate Jude Célestin edged out of Haiti's Jan. 16 run-off by less than 1%, has been portrayed as the victim of voting fraud and the leader of a populist upsurge against Haiti’s crooked Provisional Electoral Council (CEP).
Some have questioned his presidential suitability by pointing to his vulgar antics as a konpa musician over the last two decades, where he often made demeaning comments about women and periodically dropped his trousers to bare his backside.
The real problem with Martelly, however, is not his perceived immorality, but his heinous political history and close affi liation with the reactionary “forces of darkness," as they are called in Haiti, which have snuffed out each genuine attempt Haitians have made over the past 20 years to elect a democratic government. Far from a champion of democracy, Martelly has been a cheerleader for, and perhaps even a participant in, bloody coups d'état and military rule.
Znet and Haiti Liberte
December 20, 2010
By Jeb Sprague
In the media coverage of Haiti's ongoing electoral crisis, presidential candidate Michel "Sweet Micky" Martelly, whom ruling Unity party candidate Jude Célestin edged out of Haiti's Jan. 16 run-off by less than 1%, has been portrayed as the victim of voting fraud and the leader of a populist upsurge against Haiti’s crooked Provisional Electoral Council (CEP).
Some have questioned his presidential suitability by pointing to his vulgar antics as a konpa musician over the last two decades, where he often made demeaning comments about women and periodically dropped his trousers to bare his backside.
The real problem with Martelly, however, is not his perceived immorality, but his heinous political history and close affi liation with the reactionary “forces of darkness," as they are called in Haiti, which have snuffed out each genuine attempt Haitians have made over the past 20 years to elect a democratic government. Far from a champion of democracy, Martelly has been a cheerleader for, and perhaps even a participant in, bloody coups d'état and military rule.
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Statecraft in the Global Financial Crisis: An Interview with Kanishka Jayasuriya
By: Jeb Sprague
Journal of Critical Globalisation Studies
Kanishka Jayasuriya, Professor of Political Science at the University of Adelaide, Australia and author of two monographs – Reconstituting the Global Liberal Order: Legitimacy and Regulation (2005) and Statecraft, Welfare and the Politics of Inclusion (2006) – argues that changing forms of governance and new regulative laws are enabling the transnationalization of institutions within national states. He also interprets these changes as giving rise to a new type of institutional struggle unique to globalisation. For social scientists in general and political economists in particular, Jayasuriya’s work provides a useful lens through which to understand intra-state transformation in the global epoch. By rejecting Realist/Weberian conceptions of the state and drawing inspiration instead from materialist state theory, he understands state transformation as a reflection of ongoing processes linked to socio-economic forces that are novel to the historical present. And in the wake of the global financial crisis, he argues, we should not see the state as either disappearing or returning, for it is continuing to transform in ways peculiar to the age of globalism. The real question is for whom states will act in the future. In order to answer this, Jayasuriya suggests that we must look to transformations occurring within the national state, for it is these that are changing statecraft as we know it.
In this interview, Jayasuriya discusses some of his main concepts and theories, such as the regulatory state; meta-governance; the transition from ‘social constitutionalism’ to ‘economic constitutionalism’; and describes how each of these relate to the ongoing crisis of global capitalism. He clarifies his views on the idea of a transnational capitalist class, arguing that there must be “different fractions within it”; and goes on to discuss the connection of his theories on state-transformation with the related works of William Robinson and Martin Shaw. Finally, he discusses some of the theorists that have influenced his work – such as Nicos Poulantzas, Carl Schmitt, Franz Neumann, and Amartya Sen – and briefly describes his areas of ongoing research.
Journal of Critical Globalisation Studies
 |
| Kanishka Jayasuriya |
Kanishka Jayasuriya, Professor of Political Science at the University of Adelaide, Australia and author of two monographs – Reconstituting the Global Liberal Order: Legitimacy and Regulation (2005) and Statecraft, Welfare and the Politics of Inclusion (2006) – argues that changing forms of governance and new regulative laws are enabling the transnationalization of institutions within national states. He also interprets these changes as giving rise to a new type of institutional struggle unique to globalisation. For social scientists in general and political economists in particular, Jayasuriya’s work provides a useful lens through which to understand intra-state transformation in the global epoch. By rejecting Realist/Weberian conceptions of the state and drawing inspiration instead from materialist state theory, he understands state transformation as a reflection of ongoing processes linked to socio-economic forces that are novel to the historical present. And in the wake of the global financial crisis, he argues, we should not see the state as either disappearing or returning, for it is continuing to transform in ways peculiar to the age of globalism. The real question is for whom states will act in the future. In order to answer this, Jayasuriya suggests that we must look to transformations occurring within the national state, for it is these that are changing statecraft as we know it.
In this interview, Jayasuriya discusses some of his main concepts and theories, such as the regulatory state; meta-governance; the transition from ‘social constitutionalism’ to ‘economic constitutionalism’; and describes how each of these relate to the ongoing crisis of global capitalism. He clarifies his views on the idea of a transnational capitalist class, arguing that there must be “different fractions within it”; and goes on to discuss the connection of his theories on state-transformation with the related works of William Robinson and Martin Shaw. Finally, he discusses some of the theorists that have influenced his work – such as Nicos Poulantzas, Carl Schmitt, Franz Neumann, and Amartya Sen – and briefly describes his areas of ongoing research.
Sunday, August 15, 2010
Repay historic debt to Haiti: An open letter to French President Nicolas Sarkozy
Pétition: M. Sarkozy, rendez à Haïti son argent extorqué
Moi-même et beaucoup d'autres ont signé une pétition demandant au gouvernement françaispour rembourser la dette c'est à Haïti. Cette dette s'élève à 17 mil-liards d'euros. Lire la pétition sur le journal Libération.
Monday, August 2, 2010
全球化的双重危机：从墨西哥湾到亚利桑那
杰布 斯普拉格（Jeb Sprague）& 西赛尔 罗德里格斯（Cesar Rodriguez) 。
从漂浮着絮状原油的墨西哥湾，到发生针对移民袭击事件的亚利桑那，如今我们的国家似乎正处于一种持续的紧张状态。而对于在全球化进程中居于核心地位的我们来说，这两则事件都能在我们社会的基本结构中找到其更为深刻的原因。
四月二十日，距离路易斯安那海岸五十英里远的英国石油公司（BP）海上钻井平台发生了爆炸事故，从而导致十一名工人丧生并引发大量原油从海底喷涌而出，这次原油泄漏事件是美国历史上最为严重的一次。而仅仅在三天后，亚利桑那州州长简•布鲁尔就签署了针对非法移民的第1070号新决议法案，要求州警核查一切有非法移民嫌疑的移民的法律地位。尽管这两件事看似毫无关联，但是在一个认为资本的积累远比人的生计和生存环境更为重要的价值体系内，考虑这两者如何复杂的进行相互作用就显得极为重要。
Wednesday, July 14, 2010
La doble crisis de la globalización: el Golfo de México y Arizona
Transnational Institute
Jeb Sprague y Cesar Rodriguez
Desde el derrame de petróleo crudo en el Golfo de México hasta los ultrajes perpetrados contra los inmigrantes en Arizona, el gobierno de los Estados Unidos parece estar sumido en una emergencia tras otra. Pero las dos crisis tienen sus raíces en las estructuras fundamentales de nuestra sociedad, estructuras que han sido transformadas por la globalización.
La explosión de una plataforma de perforación submarina, que ocurrió el 20 de abril a unas 80 kilómetros de la costa de Luisiana, ocasionó el peor derrame de petróleo de la historia de los Estados Unidos. Unos tres días antes, la gobernadora del estado de Arizona, Jan Brewer, firmó el proyecto de ley SB 1070, la cual dispone que los policías locales deben pedir documentos de residencia a cualquier persona que ellos sospechen de ser indocumentada. Aunque parezcan ser hechos no relacionados, es importante considerar la manera cómo los dos están intrínsicamente conectados en un sistema que valora la acumulación del capital por encima del sustento y la sobrevivencia del pueblo y el medio ambiente.
Jeb Sprague y Cesar Rodriguez
Desde el derrame de petróleo crudo en el Golfo de México hasta los ultrajes perpetrados contra los inmigrantes en Arizona, el gobierno de los Estados Unidos parece estar sumido en una emergencia tras otra. Pero las dos crisis tienen sus raíces en las estructuras fundamentales de nuestra sociedad, estructuras que han sido transformadas por la globalización.
La explosión de una plataforma de perforación submarina, que ocurrió el 20 de abril a unas 80 kilómetros de la costa de Luisiana, ocasionó el peor derrame de petróleo de la historia de los Estados Unidos. Unos tres días antes, la gobernadora del estado de Arizona, Jan Brewer, firmó el proyecto de ley SB 1070, la cual dispone que los policías locales deben pedir documentos de residencia a cualquier persona que ellos sospechen de ser indocumentada. Aunque parezcan ser hechos no relacionados, es importante considerar la manera cómo los dos están intrínsicamente conectados en un sistema que valora la acumulación del capital por encima del sustento y la sobrevivencia del pueblo y el medio ambiente.
Monday, July 12, 2010
Dual Crises of Globalization: Arizona and the Gulf of Mexico
Transnational Institute
Jeb Sprague and Cesar Rodriguez
From the plumes of corporate crude in the Gulf of Mexico, to the assault on migrants in Arizona, the U.S. appears locked in a continual state of emergency. However, both crises have their roots in fundamental structures of our society that are at the core of globalization today.
The explosion on April 20th at BP’s offshore drilling rig fifty miles off the coast of Louisiana led to the worst oil spill in the country’s history, killing 11 workers and unplugging an oil gushing vein in the sea floor. Just three days later, Arizona governor Jan Brewer signed into Law SB 1070, which requires state police there to check the legal status of anyone suspected of being undocumented. While seemingly unrelated events, it is important that we consider how the two are intricately connected within a system that values the accumulation of capital over the livelihoods and survival of people and the environment.
Sociologist Leslie Sklair has described two central crises in the era of globalization: (1) a class polarization crisis with the “creation of increasing poverty and increasing wealth within and between communities and societies;” and (2) an ecological crisis with “the unsustainability of the system.”
Jeb Sprague and Cesar Rodriguez
From the plumes of corporate crude in the Gulf of Mexico, to the assault on migrants in Arizona, the U.S. appears locked in a continual state of emergency. However, both crises have their roots in fundamental structures of our society that are at the core of globalization today.
The explosion on April 20th at BP’s offshore drilling rig fifty miles off the coast of Louisiana led to the worst oil spill in the country’s history, killing 11 workers and unplugging an oil gushing vein in the sea floor. Just three days later, Arizona governor Jan Brewer signed into Law SB 1070, which requires state police there to check the legal status of anyone suspected of being undocumented. While seemingly unrelated events, it is important that we consider how the two are intricately connected within a system that values the accumulation of capital over the livelihoods and survival of people and the environment.
Sociologist Leslie Sklair has described two central crises in the era of globalization: (1) a class polarization crisis with the “creation of increasing poverty and increasing wealth within and between communities and societies;” and (2) an ecological crisis with “the unsustainability of the system.”
Thursday, April 22, 2010
Inmigrantes se juegan la vida en el desierto de Arizona
Por Jeb Sprague
Muro fronterizo entre México y Estados Unidos en paso Mariposa
Crédito: Jeb Sprague/IPS
NOGALES, México, 23 abr (IPS) - "Tengo que volver a Arizona, es mi hogar", dice el mexicano Sergio, de 26 años, mientras coloca su última pastilla purificadora en un cubo de agua turbia. Su hijo vive en ese estado de Estados Unidos donde él mismo pasó la mayor parte de su vida.
Sin documentos, Sergio, como otros inmigrantes, no puede obtener una licencia de conducir. Cuando usaba una identificación falsa, lo detuvieron en un control de tráfico de rutina y, tras hacerle pasar cuatro meses en la cárcel, lo deportaron a México.
Muro fronterizo entre México y Estados Unidos en paso Mariposa
Crédito: Jeb Sprague/IPS
NOGALES, México, 23 abr (IPS) - "Tengo que volver a Arizona, es mi hogar", dice el mexicano Sergio, de 26 años, mientras coloca su última pastilla purificadora en un cubo de agua turbia. Su hijo vive en ese estado de Estados Unidos donde él mismo pasó la mayor parte de su vida.
Sin documentos, Sergio, como otros inmigrantes, no puede obtener una licencia de conducir. Cuando usaba una identificación falsa, lo detuvieron en un control de tráfico de rutina y, tras hacerle pasar cuatro meses en la cárcel, lo deportaron a México.
Friday, April 16, 2010
Migrants Risk Everything in Arizona Desert Crossing
By Jeb Sprague
INTER PRESS SERVICE (IPS)
Photo of: Border leading into the desert at the Mariposa port-of-entry.
NOGALES, Mexico, Apr 17, 2010 (IPS) - As he drops his last purification tablet into a pail of swirling, murky water, Sergio, 26, stares out toward the desert. Recently deported from Arizona, where he has a young child and where he has lived for the majority of his life, he explains, "I have to return, it's my home."
Lacking official U.S. documentation, Sergio, like other undocumented migrants is unable to get a driver's license. Using a fake ID, he was originally deported to Mexico after being pulled over in a routine traffic stop and jailed for four months.
INTER PRESS SERVICE (IPS)
Photo of: Border leading into the desert at the Mariposa port-of-entry.
NOGALES, Mexico, Apr 17, 2010 (IPS) - As he drops his last purification tablet into a pail of swirling, murky water, Sergio, 26, stares out toward the desert. Recently deported from Arizona, where he has a young child and where he has lived for the majority of his life, he explains, "I have to return, it's my home."
Lacking official U.S. documentation, Sergio, like other undocumented migrants is unable to get a driver's license. Using a fake ID, he was originally deported to Mexico after being pulled over in a routine traffic stop and jailed for four months.
Thursday, January 21, 2010
Dr. William I. Robinson: "Understanding Global Capitalism"
An excellent talk here by Professor William I. Robinson titled "Understanding Global Capitalism." He gave this talk in 2008 in the Philippines.
Wednesday, January 20, 2010
Haití, un desastre clasista
Rebelion
Jeb Sprague
Sólo cinco días antes del terremoto que destrozó Puerto Príncipe el 12 de enero, el Consejo de Modernización de las Empresas Públicas (CMEP) del gobierno haitiano anunció la privatización del 70% de Teleco, la compañía estatal de teléfono de Haití.
Hoy Puerto Príncipe está en ruinas con miles, posiblemente cientos de miles de muertos, barrios enteros destrozados, muchas personas enterradas vivas. De pueblos de toda la península del sur, como Léogâne, se dice que están en la ruina total, con un número de víctimas incalculable. El presidente de Haití, René Préval, y su administración se han revelado ineptos, ausentes y ni siquiera se les oye en la radio local.
Jeb Sprague
Sólo cinco días antes del terremoto que destrozó Puerto Príncipe el 12 de enero, el Consejo de Modernización de las Empresas Públicas (CMEP) del gobierno haitiano anunció la privatización del 70% de Teleco, la compañía estatal de teléfono de Haití.
Hoy Puerto Príncipe está en ruinas con miles, posiblemente cientos de miles de muertos, barrios enteros destrozados, muchas personas enterradas vivas. De pueblos de toda la península del sur, como Léogâne, se dice que están en la ruina total, con un número de víctimas incalculable. El presidente de Haití, René Préval, y su administración se han revelado ineptos, ausentes y ni siquiera se les oye en la radio local.
Monday, January 18, 2010
Haiti's Classquake
Znet
Jeb Sprague
Just five days prior to the 7.0 earthquake that shattered Port-au-Prince on January 12th, the Haitian government's Council of Modernisation of Public Enterprises (CMEP) announced the planned 70% privatization of Teleco, Haiti's public telephone company.
Today Port-au-Prince lies in ruins, with thousands, possibly hundreds of thousands dead, entire neighborhoods cut off, many buried alive. Towns across the southern peninsula, such as Léogâne, are said to be in total ruin with an untold number of victims. Haiti's president, René Préval, and his administration remain largely inept, absent from Port-au-Prince and even the local radio.
Jeb Sprague
Just five days prior to the 7.0 earthquake that shattered Port-au-Prince on January 12th, the Haitian government's Council of Modernisation of Public Enterprises (CMEP) announced the planned 70% privatization of Teleco, Haiti's public telephone company.
Today Port-au-Prince lies in ruins, with thousands, possibly hundreds of thousands dead, entire neighborhoods cut off, many buried alive. Towns across the southern peninsula, such as Léogâne, are said to be in total ruin with an untold number of victims. Haiti's president, René Préval, and his administration remain largely inept, absent from Port-au-Prince and even the local radio.
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